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Benjamin Netanyahu re-elected as voters swing to the right

As expected, Israeli President Reuven Rivlin has named incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu the best person to put together the next Israeli government.

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PAULA SLIER

All week, Rivlin has been consulting with the leaders of the parties that won seats in the 120-member Knesset (parliament) about their preference for premier. No surprise that Netanyahu is the most popular choice.

His Likud party won the largest number of parliamentary seats in last week’s election, and his closest rival, former Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) Chief Benny Gantz of the centrist Blue and White party, conceded defeat days ago.

Netanyahu won 35 seats, the same number as Gantz, but with a slightly higher number of voters favouring the premier. He now has up to 42 days to form a government. If he fails, Rivlin can ask another politician to try.

It’s happened before. Back in 2009, former Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni’s Kadima party won the most seats, but she was unable to form a government because, in part, she could not match Netanyahu’s promises to the ultra-Orthodox.

They demanded – as they do today – funding for their religious seminaries, exemption from the army, and control of the country’s Jewish religious life.

Winning 20 seats this time around, the religious parties carry important political weight. They are critical for whoever is tasked with forming the next government. It is highly unlikely they’ll form a coalition with parties on the left because of disagreement about the Jewish nature of Israel. It throws into question whether a left-wing majority coalition government can ever again be formed.

This means that even if Gantz had won the most seats in last week’s elections, he would have been unable to form the next government.

And so, Netanyahu is on track to secure a fourth consecutive, and a fifth overall term, in office. But coalition negotiations can drag on, especially as smaller parties put forward demands to satisfy their own electorates, which don’t always align with Netanyahu’s preferences.

While right-wing and ultra-Orthodox Jewish parties were quick to announce that they backed Netanyahu, it gave him only 60 seats. He needs a minimum of 61 to have a majority in the next Knesset.

The sticking point was former Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beitenu party, which won five seats (and appeals to the mostly elderly Russian-speaking population). While slow to announce his support for Netanyahu, it was always unlikely that Lieberman would side with left-wing and Arab parties as they are far from his political outlook.

So, while he took his time, it was merely a way of pressing for concessions in coalition negotiations.

On Monday night he came on board, giving Netanyahu 65 seats, four more than he secured during the last parliament. Netanyahu is now in a stronger position to push for what he wants.

These elections proved once again that the right-wing and religious parties dominate Israeli politics, a trend that dates back about two decades.

In the final tally, more than 57% of votes went to these parties – the highest proportion in Israel’s history. Only 34% went to centrist and left of centre Zionist parties.

And still, the right-wing bloc lost a staggering potential eight Knesset seats.

In December, Education Minister Naftali Bennett and Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked left the New Home party that they had led until then to set up a new one. This was less than four months before the elections.

They hoped to appeal to more secular Israelis, but the political gamble they took backfired and their new party (New Right) did not win enough votes to enter the Knesset. They were short of just a thousand votes to pass the election threshold, which would have translated into four Knesset seats for them.

In addition, Moshe Feiglin’s Zehut party (a right-wing party that among other things called for the legalisation of cannabis) also narrowly missed the threshold. This means that a potential eight Knesset seats that would have joined Netanyahu’s coalition effectively went down the drain.

The right-wing bloc was watered down by there being too many parties with very similar agendas for people to choose from.

Once seen as rising young stars in Israeli politics, there are rumours that Bennett and Shaked have dissolved their political alliance and that Shaked might be (re)-joining Likud.

As for the Israeli left, the elections were a wakeup call. The Labour party, which led Israel from its founding in 1948 for the following 30 years, and was for decades the mainstay of the Israeli centre-left, won only 4.45% of the vote. It garnered just six seats in the next parliament. It was Labour’s worst-ever election showing.

A similar pattern emerged on the left to that of the right. A significant number of Meretz supporters, a progressive peace and civil-rights alliance further on the political left than the Labour party, abandoned their party in support of Gantz’s Blue and White.

The same happened to Labour. While votes were not rendered meaningless like some of those on the right, there seemed to have been too many parties competing for the same left and centre-left electorate. For this reason, officials in the Labour and Meretz party are now exploring the possibility of a merger.

It’s worth noting that even though security remains the number-one concern for most Israelis, very few voters from the right of the political spectrum put their support behind Gantz and the two other former IDF chiefs of staff who ran in his party alongside him. And so, those on the left of the political spectrum are feeling despondent. While voter turnout was a healthy 67.9%, the reality is that more people than ever in Israel’s history voted for right and ultra-Orthodox parties – and they did so with their eyes wide open.

Israeli voters are informed. They know that Netanyahu faces corruption charges. They know any resumption of the peace process with the Palestinians under his watch looks unpromising. But they also know that he has the support and respect of world leaders like American President Donald Trump and Russian president Vladimir Putin. They feel safe with him at the helm.

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Closer ties between Zim and Israel rattles ANC

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Zimbabwe and Israel have had full diplomatic relations since 1993, but further overtures by our northern neighbour to the Jewish state could cause conflict with South Africa, particularly certain factions in the African National Congress (ANC).

According to an article by Carien du Plessis published on News24 on Wednesday, 3 February, “Zimbabwe has been seeking closer ties with Israel in the hope of securing more investment and doing away with sanctions. This move has caused unease within the ANC, which has a pro-Palestinian stance, although it’s unlikely the party will act on it.

“The ruling party [in Zimbabwe], ZANU-PF, has historically positioned itself as pro-Palestinian, but Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s latest move closer to Israel represents a change in policy direction,” Du Plessis writes.

She reports that although the head of the ANC committee on international relations, Lindiwe Zulu, said that, “We cannot interfere with the sovereign decisions of the governing party of any other government”, there have been divisions within ZANU-PF and within the ANC about the Israel matter.

“A pro-Palestine lobby within the ANC wants South Africa’s governing party to take a more hardline approach to its Zimbabwean counterpart, while the pragmatists prefer not to push this issue for diplomatic reasons,” Du Plessis says.

Darren Bergman, the shadow minister for international relations and cooperation and a member of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Parliamentary Forum Human Rights Committee, didn’t mince his words about South Africa’s response.

“The people of Zimbabwe are suffering. The internal affairs of Zimbabwe couldn’t get South Africa to act, the situation in Zimbabwe couldn’t get South Africa to act, but the relationship with Israel gets South Africa to act,” he said.

“This is a sinister situation that must make the SADC and African Union [AU] question what exactly South Africa’s situation is with regard to the Middle East,” Bergman said.

“It’s one thing to have an opinion and a position, but it’s another to keep a hard-pressed, almost spiteful stance at all times that can actually harm and injure the people and the continent. To this I would say that South Africa should show diplomatic constraint, and hold back.”

One of Mnangagwa’s recent moves to improve relations with Israel is the appointment last year of Israeli national Ronny Levi Musan as honorary consul of Zimbabwe to Israel.

The Afro-Middle East Centre reported in October 2020 that, “Musan has set plans into motion for Mnangagwa’s official visit to Israel. His activities in Zimbabwe include collaboration with Pentecostal churches to push for Christian support for Israel. Zimbabwe’s honorary consul is also pushing for Israeli businesses to invest in Zimbabwe’s agricultural sector, and he recently announced the intention to open an Israeli academy of agriculture in Zimbabwe. On the diplomatic front, Israel hopes that Mnangagwa will follow the example of his Malawian counterpart, Lazarus Chakwera, who announced plans to open an embassy in Jerusalem.”

Musan told the SA Jewish Report he had worked in Africa for the past 20 years to strengthen links between churches and the Holy Land. “About five years ago, I was invited to visit Zimbabwe which lasted about two weeks. I tried to do everything possible to connect Zimbabwe to Israel on a practical level. After the first visit, I visited Zimbabwe several more times, and met a number of ministers and church leaders, and just fell in love with the place.

“From there, it continued through my activities with the Israeli foreign ministry and the foreign ministry in Zimbabwe to promote diplomatic relations between the countries.” He was eventually appointed to this role.

“My main responsibility is to do everything possible in every field to bring knowledge and support from Israel to Zimbabwe, and vice versa. The main issue is technology in the field of agriculture, education, and innovation. These are the cornerstones that will return the crown to Zimbabwe as the ‘grain basket of Africa’.”

Local political analyst Daniel Silke says that Zimbabwe’s overtures to Israel “could well be an attempt by Zimbabwe to follow the Sudan example, in which currying favour with the United States via the channel of restoring relations with Israel allows the country to receive assistance and perhaps even escape some of the worst sanctions. But, of course, [former US] President Donald Trump is no longer in the White House. Whether this will have any traction with Joe Biden, who I think will be a lot more critical of the Zimbabwean regime, remains to be seen.”

In terms of the impact it could have on South African-Israel relations, Silke says, “Many other African countries are forging their own path in terms of relations with Israel. For President [Cyril] Ramaphosa, it’s a difficult balancing act given the demands from within his own party. But I don’t think South Africa has any leg to stand on in terms of interference with any country which wishes to forge some sort of close relationship with the Jewish state. As head of the AU, Ramaphosa is again in a tough position because of the changing dynamics across Africa, but I don’t think it’s an issue that will really get much attention.”

Rowan Polovin, the chairperson of the South African Zionist Federation, says, “We see this as a positive development, particularly for Southern Africa, which is part of the momentum that is being created by the Abraham Accords.

“Northern Africa has been very much part of the momentum. In the southern region, Malawi, which is diplomatically and geographically close to South Africa, has signalled its intention to open an embassy in Israel. If all this has an impact on South Africa’s neighbours, then South Africa will see the benefits. It’s very hard to ignore the importance of building ties with Israel, which has so many solutions for African issues, particularly water, electricity, agriculture, and security. Notwithstanding the noise that the ANC might make, ultimately it’s positive.”

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Just how successful is Israel’s vaccine push?

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Israel is reporting promising initial results from its COVID-19 vaccine rollout, the fastest in the world.

The first official findings released by the health ministry show that only 0.04% of people caught the virus a week after their second dose, and a mere 0.002% needed hospital treatment.

Clalit, the country’s largest health service organisation, has also released its preliminary data. It compared 200 000 people aged 60 and over who’ve been vaccinated with 200 000 similar unvaccinated older adults. It found that the rate of those who tested positive dropped 33% among the vaccinated 14 days after they received it. No decline was seen in the unvaccinated.

Maccabi, another healthcare organisation, saw an even larger drop. Infections decreased 60% among 430 000 people 13 to 21 days after they received the vaccine. The data also suggested the vaccine was 92% effective, close to the 95% efficacy claimed by Pfizer.

Israeli researchers are conducting more in-depth analysis, and point out that real-world effectiveness of vaccines is often lower than the efficacy seen in clinical trials due to a number of factors.

But experts warn that this data has yet to be published in a peer-reviewed journal so it should be viewed with some caution.

There are also various factors that could be influencing the results. The current lockdown and behaviour such as travelling and gathering less, wearing masks, and greater physical distancing might be decreasing infections.

The first people to receive the vaccine were mostly from vulnerable populations, so they are more likely to take precautions which could also skew the data.

In spite of the encouraging news, the death toll from COVID-19 continues to climb. Of the 4 816 fatalities at the time of writing, 30% occurred in January when the vaccination rollout was already in full swing. The government blames this on the more transmissible British variant of the virus, especially among children. According to Clalit, when the vaccination campaign started in late December, the new variant caused 30% to 40% of infections, whereas now that figure has doubled.

As for the South African strain, there are currently 80 detected cases in Israel, and there is concern that the vaccine isn’t as effective against this variant. A number of Israelis who previously had COVID-19 have been re-infected with the South African strain, with the most recent case identified two days ago.

Compounding the situation is the flagrant disregard by the ultra-Orthodox community, that comprises just less than 13% of the population, for lockdown rules. Since the start of the pandemic, one in five ultra-Orthodox has tested positive.

Many in the community doubt the safety of the vaccine or believe the country’s citizens are being used as guinea pigs to test its efficacy. Prominent rabbis have also said that communal prayer and study needs to overwrite lockdown concerns.

Last Sunday, 31 January, thousands of ultra-Orthodox mourners, many without masks, crowded together to attend two funerals of famous rabbis who died from coronavirus. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been criticised for not cracking down harshly enough on the community for political reasons – he needs their votes in the upcoming 23 March election.

Residents of Tel Aviv spoke to the SA Jewish Report, complaining that the actions of the ultra-Orthodox were forcing the whole country to go repeatedly into lockdown, and it wasn’t fair. It’s no surprise thus that the latest word from the government is that the current – third – nationwide lockdown may not be Israel’s last.

Many Israelis want cities and towns to once again be divided into red, orange, yellow, and green zones and scales of restrictions to be put in place accordingly. This would mean those who obey the restrictions wouldn’t have to pay the price of those who don’t.

In recent days, there’s also growing concern in some quarters in Israel that because the mass vaccination campaign is running in parallel with an active coronavirus outbreak, it could lead to an “evolutionary pressure” on the virus in which it would ultimately become immune to vaccination. Doctors are suggesting that in future, people will need to take an annual anti-COVID-19 jab, much in the same way the annual flu injection is taken.

But for now, the race to innoculate everyone is on. Among the first to be injected were people aged 60 or older. More than two-thirds of this age group have already received the required two doses. Up to 200 000 people are being injected each day, and the vaccine is now available to anyone over the age of 35. High-school students aged 16 to 18 are also included in the hope that they will be able to sit for exams. It seems Netanyahu is on track to fulfil his promise of innoculating five million of the country’s nine million citizens by the end of March.

To date, just more than one in three Israelis has been inoculated – about 1.7 million of them twice. Because this is a far higher fraction than anywhere else in the world, it makes the country a test case for the international vaccine push.

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The right to demonstrate, even during lockdown

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Israelis are being allowed out of their homes in full lockdown to call for the resignation of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (Bibi), who is viewed by many on both sides of the political spectrum as corrupt.

This freedom in a lockdown which ordinarily limits you to being no more than one kilometre from your house is based on the country’s constitutional right to protest. On bridges, at junctions, and outside Bibi’s house in Jerusalem, daily protests occur, resuming after Shabbat goes out on Saturday night.

Lech! Lech!” (Go!) is shouted loudly – which is also the name for the movement against Netanyahu.

There are some staunch Likud followers who scream, “Arafat and Rabin sold out the country,” prompting laughter amongst some demonstrators, who point out that their arguments are old and outdated. Demonstrators including doctors, lawyers, pilots, accountants, and students point out that this isn’t about the Israel-Palestine issue, it’s not about being leftist or rightist, but about ethics and bringing to justice an allegedly corrupt prime minister.

The protestors are passionate, some defying orders not to camp outside Bibi’s residence. At 21:30, police order the drums, trumpets, and whistles to cease. The protestors obey, but continue to demonstrate quietly, so as not to disturb the Jerusalem neighbourhood.

Then, at about 23:00, carrying Israeli flags in blue and white and others in red and white, the protestors pack up and go home to lockdown.

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