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Family and friends at the grave of Ran Gvili, the last hostage to be brought home, this week.

‘War of Redemption’ far from over

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The return of both living and deceased hostages to Israel marks a crucial turning point in the conflict that began on 7 October 2023, when Hamas invaded Israel from Gaza. This development brings closure to a profoundly traumatic chapter in Israel’s history, but the adversaries and all related threats remain. It is still uncertain whether this indicates the conclusion of the “War of Redemption” also referred to as “Operation Iron Swords”. Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Yemeni Houthi, and others continue to preach the destruction of Israel. 

Whether the war has ended also varies depending on who you ask. United States President Donald Trump is convinced it has ended, whereas Iranian leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei disagrees. For the Israel Defense Forces, the battle is far from over. It frequently conducts strikes in Gaza and Lebanon targeting terrorist leaders, munitions storage facilities, and retaliates against the aggressions of Hamas and Hezbollah. This situation raises a host of unresolved questions about the genuineness of the Lebanon ceasefire agreement from November 2024 and the Gaza peace accord that began in October 2025. 

Israel has committed to a phased withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and has accepted Trump’s proposal, which asserts that it will not “occupy or annex Gaza”. Nevertheless, Israeli officials stress that this withdrawal is contingent upon Hamas fulfilling its obligations, including disarmament and the demilitarisation of Gaza. 

Nonetheless, only the first stage of the plan has been implemented, and merely a few of the 20 points detailed in Trump’s proposal have been achieved. Many of the most difficult issues, like whether Hamas will disarm and who will govern Gaza, are still unresolved. 

Hamas has steered clear of tackling inquiries regarding disarmament. This disarmament involves the dismantling of all military, terror, and offensive structures, which includes tunnels and facilities for weapon production. Its reluctance stems in part from internal Palestinian disputes. Following the implementation of the ceasefire, armed members of the group have already shifted their positions across different regions of the Gaza Strip, clashing with other factions and clans that stand against them. 

This volatile situation has led the Israeli military to retreat a mere few kilometres, while still holding onto half of the enclave. A larger withdrawal was intended to coincide with the deployment of a multinational force in Gaza. However, the major countries earmarked as potential contributors have yet to make any commitments as there is no definitive timeline for the withdrawal. As a result, numerous Israelis remain mobilised for reserve duty across this and other fronts, prepared to re-engage in intense combat. 

Israel’s circumstances aren’t shaped only by its opponents, particularly as this year marks an election period for the Knesset, which is required to take place before November. The far-right groups within Netanyahu’s governing coalition, whose support is crucial for the government’s stability, have vehemently opposed any proposals for a withdrawal from Gaza. Additionally, they have previously promoted initiatives aimed at encouraging Palestinian inhabitants to leave, thereby facilitating the re-creation of Jewish settlements in Gaza. 

One more significant hurdle is the worldwide call for a Palestinian state encompassing both Gaza and the West Bank. In both, there is a lack of cohesive Palestinian leadership willing to recognise Israel’s right to exist and refrain from pursuing its annihilation. 

Even if a sovereign Palestinian state were established and even if it consented to coexist peacefully with Israel, there are still other adversaries. These include Hezbollah and the Yemeni Houthi. While they, along with Hamas and groups like the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, chase their individual goals, it is crucial to consider them in the broader strategic framework as proxies of Iran, alongside the roles of Qatar and Turkey, for example, who have their own interests and agendas. 

At the broader scale, the conflict against Israel’s adversaries will persist until a solution is reached concerning Iran’s meddling in the region, Qatar’s support for terrorist groups, and the blatant hostility shown by Turkish leaders towards Israel. The establishment of a Palestinian state will not bring an end to these issues. 

At the micro-level, it is recognised that Hamas represents an ideology firmly rooted in a religion that can be subdued only through its suppression. This blend of unyielding violence and extremist Islamic beliefs led to the horrific events and hostage situations that emerged on and after 7 October. 

Evidently then, Gaza represents just one of the 10 battlefronts that Israel is fighting a war in. This situation has prompted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to assert that the “military campaign is far from finished” and that the nation’s adversaries are “attempting to regroup in order to launch another attack against us”. Consequently, the war will persist. 

Israel’s goal is peace, however, it will take necessary military measures to guarantee its security, even if that involves escalating fighting in both the north and the south, and potentially extending operations into Iran and Yemen. For Israel, if all adversaries accountable for firing missiles and drones, along with those who have captured hostages, aren’t fully neutralised promptly, history indicates that subsequent conflicts could be even more catastrophic and severe. 

A clearer picture may emerge regarding the conclusion of the “War of Redemption”, along with a deeper understanding of Israel’s future borders and its relationships with neighbouring countries. This will depend on various factors: whether the US decides to intervene militarily in Iran; if a revolution or regime change occurs there; if Hamas and Hezbollah choose to disarm; and certainly, the outcomes of Israel’s general elections later this year. 

  • Glen Segell is a professor at the University of Cambridge. 
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