Support for terror: explaining the inexplicable
The origins of all wars are contested. Israel’s “Operation Guardian of the Walls” is no exception. Relying on the logic of cui bono – or he who stands to gain – some attribute a Machiavellian role to Prime Minister “Bibi” Netanyahu. It cannot be gainsaid that shortly before the conflagration, there were signs that an alternative government was in the making.
Other commentators blame the war on Israel’s short-sighted behaviour: over-zealous action by security forces at the Al-Aqsa Mosque during Ramadan and the mishandling of a complicated legal case in Jerusalem’s Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood.
President Mahmoud Abbas’s decision to not hold long overdue Palestinian elections is also cited as a proximate cause.
The broader context of course is the plight of the Palestinians.
Whatever the cause, Hamas saw an opening, and has done its best to show that it’s the protector of Al-Aqsa and the authentic voice of Palestinian aspirations.
Contestation around causation and the apportionment of blame is predictable. What’s astonishing, however, is the substantial support for Hamas (and Islamic Jihad) in the West. Both these movements oppose democracy and all that’s valued by human-rights activists. Each has a track record of terror. Ask Fatah – or at least those members who survived the bloody Hamas military coup in Gaza in 2007.
Yet, in spite of Hamas’s odious tactics that include the placement of artillery in schools, mosques, and close to apartment buildings and hotels housing journalists, tens of thousands in many Western cities are happy to march in support of this terror movement. Who cares about the indiscriminate firing of rockets at Israeli civilians?
Protestors are seemingly oblivious to the medieval worldview and visceral Jew-hatred of Hamas. Not even its blatantly antisemitic founding charter – which amplified global Jewish machinations and included a reference to the notorious fabrication, The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, raises doubt among the so-called progressive left. Young and old are happy to join forces with a movement that would catapult human rights back to the dark ages.
The reality is that Hamas is undermining the prospect of a Palestinian state. It’s weakening the case of peace-seeking Israelis. As New York Times columnist Bret Stephens put it, “If you want a Palestinian state to exist and succeed, you must also want Hamas to be humiliated and defeated. Hamas’s sole aim for more than 30 years has been to turn a difficult but potentially negotiable conflict into a non-negotiable, zero-sum holy war.” Only a week ago, Hamas political chief Musa Abu Marzook told Russia Today that Jews wouldn’t be allowed to remain in Israel. That was how he clarified what the war was about.
Let me be clear. If an intifada had erupted on the West Bank two weeks ago, it would have been reasonable to argue that the occupation has simply gone on for too long. But this is different. Hamas and Islamic Jihad are anti-Jewish terrorist movements. Both have taken advantage of heightened tensions and stoked these with a view to political gain at the expense of their opposition, Fatah.
Hamas is emboldened by a Western media and its fellow travellers. Some will argue that Israel’s response is disproportionate; but all ignore the fact that Israel withdrew from Gaza in 2005. All should agree that Hamas is a terrorist organisation, formally designated as such by the United States, Canada, and the European Union.
How then do we account for those marching in support of Hamas? We do not, after all, see equivalent action against the oppression (some would argue genocide) of the Uighurs in China, actions by the Xi Jinping regime in Hong Kong, the military in Myanmar, not to mention the slaughter of civilians in Yemen and Tigre, and the systematic murder of Kurds by the Turkish forces in Iraqi Kurdistan, the so-called Operation Claw Lightning that started a month ago. Innocent children, too, suffer in these conflicts.
Yes, I know there has been the occasional limited protest against some actions and yes, I know that the apartheid regime also raised examples of racial discrimination in other parts of the world to bolster its case and challenge its detractors. However, the energy, steam, and passion behind those supporting Hamas and Islamic Jihad is unique and needs explanation.
Some have argued that one can choose one’s cause – that one cannot focus on all evils. The question, however, remains. Why do so many choose the Israeli question? Is it because the region is home to the three Abrahamic faiths? Is it because of oil sensitivities in the region? Is it because “Jews are news”?
None of these explanations is compelling. A more likely reason is that a historical amnesia has descended – identified as such by Jacob Talmon more than 40 years ago. In response to the new left’s anti-Zionism at the time – the precursors of those marching today – the renowned historian suggested that these “young revolutionaries” were “hypnotised by the facile theory of the two camps: that of imperialism and that of oppressed peoples fighting for national liberation”.
But reality is more complex. There has been a continuous Jewish presence in the land of Israel for more than 2 000 years in spite of the Greek, Roman, Arab, and Crusader conquests.
Historical amnesia, however, is only a part explanation. Another is more sinister: Israel is the collective Jew – the Jew writ large. Put simply, the Jewish state embodies an unresolved obsession with Jews in the Western consciousness.
Columnist Brendan O’Neill expressed this with great clarity in the Spectator: “It seems to me that, increasingly, there is nothing very rational or normal about the hatred for Israel that sporadically sweeps the West. Rather, Israel has become a whipping boy for the elites, a nation that has cynically been turned into the embodiment of evil by virtue-signalling Westerners in desperate need for an outlet for their rage and pontification.
“Without an alternative explanation,” continues O’Neill, “the rest of us will be justified in wondering if perhaps an old, dark hatred, whether wittingly or unwittingly, underpins the manic loathing of Israel.”
- Milton Shain is emeritus professor of historical studies at the University of Cape Town.
Service delivery comes last in race for power
We are less than three weeks away from a local government election, and it’s likely to be our most chaotic and fractious since 1994. The country has been under lockdown for 18 months, and this has had a direct effect on voter registration and political campaigning. Voter turnout will probably reach a 15-year low.
Ironically, just as political participation and education has been declining, the need for clean, accountable local government has never been greater. The vast majority of municipalities – including the City of Johannesburg – have unacceptably high levels of financial risk and service delivery failures.
The long-term decline in national government’s finances plus the persistent corruption and maladministration at municipal level has resulted in infrastructural backlogs, above-inflation increases in service tariffs, and cash shortages in many municipalities.
Municipalities’ core function is to provide basic service delivery (water, electricity, sanitation, and rubbish removal). In addition, larger municipalities provide basic health services, police, firefighting, emergency medical services, and more. Municipalities are also tasked with the spatial development of communities, working with other spheres of government to formalise housing and drive local economic development.
It’s critical that voters make an informed choice in the elections, and vote for candidates and parties with a track record of community service and good governance. Unfortunately, voters have less information than ever about their political choices: parties have been unable to campaign effectively under lockdown, and new candidates are mostly unknown to their wards and communities.
Our electoral system also leads to a few practises that make it harder for voters to make an informed choice. For example, many political parties take advantage of a legal loophole to field the same ward candidates across multiple wards. This is done in order to maximise a party’s votes and increase the number of seats it can win in council, but it leads to parties fielding candidates who are weak and not representative of the wards where they are standing.
In the City of Johannesburg metro alone, there are 54 parties and 44 independent candidates. At least 25 of these parties have registered ward candidates in every ward across the metro. Many – if not most – of these candidates have been chosen to make up the numbers, not because they have experience in government or are dedicated to serving their communities. Most voters in the metro will have to choose from more than 25 ward candidates with little to no information about them.
Basic service delivery isn’t an exciting idea for most voters or parties, and parties tend to campaign on issues which have nothing to do with local government or service delivery. Many parties make promises or commitments which are completely unrealistic and unachievable. This just adds to voters’ confusion, and increases their apathy towards political participation.
Many voters, including members of the Jewish community, make ballot choices based on ideology and gut feel. In past elections, the African Christian Democratic Party has been touted as a viable choice because of its pro-Israel stance. ActionSA has incorporated xenophobia and border control in its 2021 campaign, parties like the Patriotic Alliance and the Cape Coloured Congress have appealed to racial identity, while the African National Congress (ANC) and Economic Freedom Fighters have used populist slogans and messaging to appeal to voters. Even the Democratic Alliance, which has a proven track record of service delivery in the Western Cape, has resorted to negative campaigning and comparisons with the ANC’s governance failures.
None of these issues have a link to service delivery and clean, accountable government.
What should voters and communities consider before casting their votes? Unfortunately, there’s not much time to learn more about candidates, and there is little information available. The Electoral Commission’s website does have a portal for the 2021 local government election where voters can download candidate lists. These lists are in PDF format, and are difficult to navigate.
Even if voters can create a shortlist of the parties and candidates in their ward, there’s not much that they can do to learn about those candidates. It’s possible to google the candidates’ names and research their social-media presence, but not all candidates have an online profile. Some candidates have done their best to campaign in recent weeks and reach constituents, but they are in the minority.
The truth is that the hard work really begins after the election date. It’s highly likely that there will be more coalitions in Johannesburg and Pretoria. The track record of coalitions over the past five years is poor: many coalitions have collapsed and others have been sabotaged. Ordinary South Africans will need to become more involved in political life beyond the election cycle in order to improve governance and service delivery.
At The Third Republic, we are dedicated to the research needed to hold local government more accountable, to track public spending, and council decisions. We invite you, the reader, to work with us over the next five years to ensure that local government improves and that communities are able to participate in the decision-making that affects service delivery and local development.
- Paul Berkowitz is a director at The Third Republic, a non-profit organisation working to deepen democracy and political participation across South Africa.
Arab-Israeli gangsterism a massive security threat
The current violence in Arab-Israeli cities is a greater threat to the state of Israel than Hamas and Hezbollah. The comparison might sound dramatic, but since stating it earlier this week, Israeli Justice Minister Gideon Sa’ar has only reinforced his concerns.
As many as half-a-million illegal weapons are estimated to be in the hands of the Israeli-Arab sector. Their prevalence is widely attributed to the killing of more than 90 Arab citizens since the start of this year in shootings and stabbings. Though some of these deaths have been the result of warfare before mafia families, others involved unlucky bystanders struck by a stray bullet or female victims of domestic violence. Of these cases, less than a quarter have been solved so far, compared with more than 70% in the Jewish community.
Many Arab Israelis say the identities of killers and crime families are well-known to residents and authorities. They complain that the lack of arrests reflects a double standard when it comes to Israeli police dealing with Arab communities.
The problem is further compounded by the lack of faith many Arabs have in the Israeli police’s will and ability to address the problem. A recent survey found that only 17.4% of Israeli Arabs said they trusted the police. The result is a Catch-22, as this lack of faith leads to fewer people being willing to risk co-operating with the police, who in turn have a more difficult time enforcing law and order.
For months now, the Israeli government has been trying to get a grip on the deteriorating security situation. Even the head of the United Arab List, parliamentarian Mansour Abbas, this week again stressed his concern about crime and violence in Arab communities.
But how to deal with it has created problems, with Arabs divided over Jerusalem’s recent announcement that it plans to involve the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency) in assisting the Israeli police. While some Arabs firmly oppose the idea, others are desperate for any solution that could help quell the escalating violence.
It’s difficult trying to gauge opinion on the Arab street. Most people I approach are afraid to comment. Should they be seen to support the Shin Bet, they could face reprisals in their communities; and should they be seen to publicly oppose its involvement, they could – they tell me – be targeted by Israeli security authorities. The best answer, encapsulating what most people feel, is what one elderly man told me, “I’m doomed if I support the move, and I’m doomed if I don’t!”
As for the Shin Bet itself, its officials say they prefer not to be involved in anything beyond their more regular counter-terrorism missions. These are usually across the Green Line, in Palestinian territories, where suspects can be held for years without charge and prevented from meeting with lawyers.
Jerusalem has consistently argued that such measures are necessary to prevent Palestinian terror attacks, but implementing them against Israeli citizens, albeit against those who are engaged in criminal activity, is a completely different ball game. The major concern, for Jews and Arabs alike, is that it could turn Israel into a police state. Many also question how a technologically advanced country like Israel, that was recently able to catch six escaped Palestinian prisoners within a week, has been unable to break up a few local criminal gangs. Some Arab citizens even suspect the government of deliberately letting the violence run amok in order to weaken the Arab minority in the country.
Several Israeli officials have expressed a popular view among the Israeli political right that “as long as they are killing each other, that’s their problem”. But this violence often spills over into Jewish neighbourhoods, often into nationalistic crimes, as was witnessed in May this year.
At the time, I visited mixed Arab-Israeli cities in the heart of the country that resembled battlegrounds. Car tyres were burning on the streets, shops and homes were barricaded, and many Arab citizens walked around armed. The concern was that those weapons, often stolen from the Israeli military, or smuggled across the border from Jordan, or manufactured in the West Bank, could be turned against the Israeli public. The police were quick to quell the unrest as quickly as it unfolded, leaving many to point out that when the security forces really wanted to deal with the violence, they could.
The new government insists it’s prioritising dealing with the situation. It says it has a detailed plan to improve access and trust in Arab communities that it is ready to put into action after the state budget is passed in November. It calls for recruiting an additional 1 100 police officers, legislative changes to deal more efficiently with economic crime, more use of technology, and an improved witness-protection programme.
The situation has become so bad that in some cases, police are afraid to enter neighbourhoods. The hashtag #ArabLivesMatter has caught on, inspired by the #BlackLivesMatter movement and among those embracing the hashtag is the country’s public security minister who faced stormy protests outside his home after seven shooting incidents rattled the Arab community in a single week. But although there’s growing public awareness of the problem, it won’t easily disappear. It’s been around for a long time, and will take some time to dissipate.
- Paula Slier is the Middle East bureau chief of RT, the founder and chief executive of Newshound Media International, and the inaugural winner of the Europcar Women in Leadership Award of the Absa Jewish Achiever Awards.
Twentieth anniversary of anti-Israel hate fest a spectacular flop
Twenty years ago in September 2001, a week before what became known as “9/11”, the United Nations (UN) hosted what it called the “World Conference on Racism” in Durban.
Non-governmental organisations, human-rights activists, and representatives of scores of countries gathered in Durban for this auspicious event.
It soon became apparent, however, that an Orwellian cloud had passed over the sunny skies of Durban. The conference against racism turned out to be an antisemitic hate fest against the Jewish state.
At the turn of the 21st century, five decades after the Holocaust, the infamous Durban conference became the latest hotbed of antisemitism against the Jewish people.
Some “human rights” activists in attendance distributed the crude antisemitic polemic of a century earlier known as the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Some Jewish human-rights activists who attended were intimidated, abused, and taunted with the insult that they “don’t belong to the human race”.
A Pro-Palestinian march where thousands rallied in the streets of Durban included pro-Nazi flyers with the text, “Hitler Should Have Finished the Job” and proclaimed that if Hitler had only won the war, Israel wouldn’t exist.
The outcome of Durban was the launch of a global, organised, and funded antisemitic machine, mouthing the language of human rights and masquerading in the guise of anti-apartheid activism. We know it as the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement and various activist organisations affiliated to it. These include university chapters that target impressionable university students and future leaders with the annual hate fest known as “Israel Apartheid Week”, academic boycott campaigns, Palestinian “solidarity” organisations, and factions within mainstream political parties.
BDS falsely characterises Israel as the current manifestation of evil in the world that needs to be eliminated.
It’s no coincidence that South Africa was chosen as ground zero for promulgating the apartheid smear on Israel in order to give an air of respectability to the crude prejudice underneath. The BDS movement hijacks South Africa’s painful history as the heart of its hateful agenda because it’s symbolically strategic to use damnation of apartheid to stain and ultimately eradicate the Jewish state.
It’s a grotesque travesty that certain political, media, and intellectual elites in South Africa, where apartheid was real and perpetrated, are misled by this blatant propaganda and actively work to mislead others.
Their goal is to vilify the Jewish state as an evil pariah that must be obliterated through political and economic warfare, and their weapons are the tools of mass deception and propaganda.
Indeed, Israel is everything that BDS claims it isn’t: a beacon of democracy and human rights in contrast to the rest of the Middle East and much of Africa. No less than 14 members of the current Israeli government are Arabs, and Israel’s world-renowned judiciary includes an Arab Supreme Court judge. Israel offers affirmative-action policies, remarkable opportunities (obviously including the right to vote) for Arab women that aren’t available anywhere else in the Middle East, and redress for discrimination where it occurs. That’s not to mention decades of attempted peace-making with the Palestinians.
If Israel was able to make peace with Egypt, Jordan, and now a very warm peace with much of the Arab world, then perhaps she isn’t the one to blame for lack of a resolution with the Palestinians.
But facts shouldn’t get in the way of the big lie (a propaganda technique gleaned from Hitler’s Mein Kampf) that the haters have learned to use with alacrity. Israel isn’t perfect nor does she proclaim to be, but simply expects to be treated fairly among the nations of the world. BDS is an anti-peace movement with no real interest in bettering the lives of Palestinians besides exploiting and weaponising them against Israel.
Last month in New York, the UN commemorated the 20th anniversary of the Durban conference. An international body that claims to be serious about combating prejudice and racism should surely have banished the conference as an embarrassing memory, but the UN is best known for failing to uphold the values it proclaims in its charter.
As it turns out, the event was a spectacular flop. Thirty-eight of the most important countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, Poland, France, Italy, Sweden, Australia, and of course, Israel, declined to participate due to its antisemitic undertones.
It’s not surprising but still shocking that South Africa remained one of the few participants in the conference, making vainglorious statements to almost nobody, further undermining our country’s credibility and influence in international affairs.
South Africa’s participation, besides aligning itself with the anti-Western bloc, also implicated it in an international campaign of hatred against the Jewish people.
Fortunately, there are many South Africans citizens who are supportive of Israel, represented by members of South African Friends of Israel who recently protested in Durban against the conference.
The legacy of Durban is a global and systematic effort to undermine Israel’s right to exist as an indigenous and self-determined Jewish state.
Like the commemoration event last month, this effort is destined to be a spectacular failure. History will place the current variant of the antisemitism virus on the scrap heap. And the Jewish people will outlive and overcome their self-declared adversaries. Twenty years on from Durban, Israel is stronger, securer, richer, more loved, and more respected than ever before.
- Rowan Polovin is the national chairperson of the South African Zionist Federation.
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