Why Somaliland should be recognised by the world

More than 30 years ago, Somaliland declared itself independent from Somalia. It has been functioning as a country with all the elements and practices of an ordinary state such as defined borders, a flag, citizens, government, and identity and passport documents which are used throughout the world. It has a tax system, which it uses to provide quality service delivery. Though Somaliland is able to issue passports which are used throughout the world, the world hasn’t come to terms with the recognition of Somaliland. 

Somaliland is far from being like virtual states such as Palestine, Catalonia, or Western Sahara, which don’t function like real states. Somaliland has a hybrid three-tier system combining formal government branches, and a three-party political system closely monitored by the state, with the electorate voting for candidates among the three parties. 

Even without formal diplomatic recognition, Somaliland has had strong economic, cultural, and political ties with progressive economies such as Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and others. 

Is Somaliland a hopeless state like the collapsed state of Somalia? Definitely not. It has created a solid, resilient, and self-reliant economic model in which it exports livestock and diaspora remittances that strengthen its small but vibrant economy. What should be noticed and appreciated by the world is that Somaliland has never experienced any terrorist attacks, unlike Somalia, which is prone to them. 

Taiwan, which considers itself an independent state with a similar experience and challenges to Somaliland, has been the biggest financial contributor to Somaliland’s success. It has helped fund elections to encourage democracy in the country. It even goes as far as funding humanitarian aid and infrastructural development. 

In a rather rare but strategic act of diplomacy, towards the end of the year, Israel took the world by surprise when it became the first United Nations member state to recognise Somaliland, a country on the Horn of Africa. As expected, this move was condemned by some countries, who deemed it controversial. But Somaliland views Israel’s recognition as a political and diplomatic milestone because it seeks international acknowledgement to make life easier for its people. 

The recognition of Somaliland aligns with Israel’s longstanding security doctrine. It is aimed at securing a long-term presence along a strategic coastline in the Horn of Africa; and providing access to areas dominated by the Houthis in Yemen, who have posed a significant challenge to Israel’s security, particularly during the recent war between Israel and Hamas. The formal establishment of diplomatic relations between Israel and Somaliland should therefore be seen as a strategic move within Israel’s broader counterterrorism campaign. 

Security is a key mutual interest for Somaliland. Unlike Mogadishu, where militant group Al-Shabaab has thrived amid Somalia’s political disunity, Somaliland has largely remained free from the terror episodes that have plagued the region. Though it remains uncertain whether Al-Shabaab may in future attempt to expand its operations into the relatively peaceful Somaliland, one reason it hasn’t succeeded thus far is a strong sense of patriotism and collective commitment to maintaining a functional state. As a result, Al-Shabaab has been unable to exploit social or political grievances for recruitment or attacks as it has done elsewhere. Securing borders against such bloodthirsty terrorists therefore remains a shared concern for both Somaliland and Israel. 

Some in Somalia believe that Somaliland will become a destination for Palestinians who will be dumped from Gaza. But, is it even possible to achieve such a colossal goal? Israel, since its formation, has been striving to establish and strengthen relations with as many countries as possible. The Israel-Palestine conflict has been shaping and shifting African and Asian relations with Israel. In the past, especially during and after the 1973 Yom Kippur war, many African countries severed ties with Israel, isolating the country, but Israeli political actors pursued diplomatic efforts to maintain the relationship with African countries, going as far as being recognised as an observer at the African Union (AU). 

Rumours about the displacement of Palestinians advanced by Somalia have been dismissed by both Somaliland and Israel, who have signed a memorandum of understanding. 

The allegations have been vehemently denied by Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, the country’s sixth president. The Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated on its official X account: “The Government of the Republic of Somaliland firmly rejects false claims made by the President of Somalia alleging the resettlement of Palestinians or the establishment of military bases in Somaliland.” 

The AU and its member states need to engage seriously with the question of Somaliland’s independence. The AU frequently speaks about the restoration or preservation of colonial borders, yet it often overlooks the fact that Somaliland has always been separate from Somalia. It was a British colony – British Somaliland – before Somalia laid claim to it. In 1991, Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia, and has since governed itself, with Hargeisa as its capital. Somaliland isn’t a creation of Israel; it’s a product of the 1884 colonial partitioning of Africa during the Berlin Conference. 

This isn’t the only political or historical scenario in which colonial boundaries have created lasting divisions. A similar situation exists in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), where a group in the eastern part of the country known as the Banyarwanda have remained stateless while seeking integration within the DRC. The confusion stems from the fact that the Banyarwanda are descendants of present-day Rwandans, a reality not considered during the arbitrary partitioning of African borders. This, too, is an issue that demands serious attention from AU leaders. 

• Kenneth Kgwadi is a political writer and research fellow at the Middle East Africa Research Institute (MEARI).